Contested Cities Syllabus, Required and Recommended Readings and Resource Summary (01/09/03)


John Hagedorn

Professor, Criminal Justice


Office: Great Cities Institute, Suite 400 CUPPA Hall

Office Hours:



David Perry

Professor and Director

Great Cities Institute



Office: Great Cities Institute, Suite 400 CUPPA Hall

Office Hours: 12:00-1:30 Tuesdays and by appointment






UPP 596 Contested Cities                                             Great Cities Conference Room 412 S. Peoria # 400

Tues 3:30-6:20


A course co-taught by John Hagedorn from the Department of Criminal Justice and David Perry in Urban Planning and Policy that addresses the conditions of persistent ethno-racial violence in the “contested cities” of Belfast, Chicago, Jerusalem and Berlin. Using real time computer teleconferencing, students will join fellow students and faculty in the other cities to study the forces of ethno-religious /communal conflict that persistently divide cities and the conditions of state planning and policy which have exacerbated as much as ameliorated such conditions. Each city in the course represents a different set of these communal and state forces. Students will learn about the intractability of these conditions, whether such communally-produced conflicts are the product of particular urban histories or whether they portend a new environment of violence, contestation produced by “angry young men” and state ineffectiveness, for cities in a global era.


Limited to 20 students, campus-wide. Permission of the instructor required. Cross-listed with Criminal Justice as CRJ 539. Contact David Perry at 312-996-8874 or 312-355-3926 or Contact John Hagedorn at Great Cities Institute at 312-996-8700 or 312-413-2472


Requirements for the course:


(1)     Full attendance and active participation in each course session. Students will take responsibility for readings and for their full discussion in the class period.

(2)     The preparation of a proposal for a research paper to be submitted no later than the third class session. Students should be ready to offer a brief description of their proposed paper during this session.

(3)     Full and formal research papers are due in draft form for final delivery in class beginning on April 8 and are due in final manuscript form on the last day of class, April 29.

(4)  The Interactive Sessions: Discussions in real time with students (in similar courses) from Berlin, Jerusalem and Belfast will be conducted in a special media room at 10:00 a.m. on February 11, March 25 and April 29. These sessions will be recorded.





January 14. Introduction


            Seminar leaders: John Hagedorn and David Perry



Bauman, Z., 2001 Liquid Modernity, London: Polity “On Being Light and Liquid,” pp 1-15


Castells, M., 1997. The Power of Identity. Boston: Blackwell “Communal heavens: Identity and Meaning in the Network Society”. pp 5-65


Marcuse P. and Van Kempen, R. 2002 Of States and Cities: The Partitioning of Urban Space, pp 12-55.


Touraine, A., 1996 Can We Live Together? Stanford University Press., “Multi-Cultural Society,” pp. 157-196




Esman, Milton J. 1985, “Two Dimensions of Ethnic Politics: Defense of Homeland and Immigrant Rights,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 8, 438-441. Feagin, Joe, 2000. Racist America. New York: Routledge


Marcuse, Peter and Ronald van Kempen, ed., 2000, Globalizing Cities: A New Spatial Order? Malden, Mass.: Blackwell


Massey, Douglas, S. and Mary J. Fischer, 1998, “Where We Live, In Black and White,” Nation, Volume 267, Number 20.


Massey, Douglas, S., 1990, “American Apartheid: Segregation and Making of the Underclass,” American Journal of Sociology, v 96 no. 2, p. 329-357


McAdam, Doug, John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, ed., 1996, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, CUP


McGarry John and Brendan O’Leary, ed., 1993, The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation: Case Studies of Protracted Ethnic Conflicts, London; New York: Routledge


Touraine, Alain, 1995. Critique of Modernity. New York: Blackwell


Wilson, William J., 1991, Poverty, Joblessness, and Family Structure in the Inner City: A Comparative Perspective, S.I.


Wise N. (1998) Capital Dilemma, Princeton Architectural Press, New York.





January 21. Settling In


Seminar Leaders Hagedorn and Perry



Bauman, Z., 2001 Liquid Modernity, London: Polity “On Being Light and Liquid,” pp 1-15


Castells, M., 1997. The Power of Identity. Boston: Blackwell “Communal heavens: Identity and Meaning in the Network Society”. pp 5-65


Marcuse P. and Van Kempen, R. 2002 Of States and Cities: The Partitioning of Urban Space, pp 12-55.


Touraine, A., 1996 Can We Live Together? Stanford University Press., “Multi-Cultural Society,” pp. 157-196


N.B. -- Same readings as last week – A longer discussion of the readings introduced last week and the themes of the course; discussion of the different approaches students have or might take to the subject of the course.





January 28. Chicago.


Seminar Leaders: John Hagedorn and David Perry (with Invited Guests Beth Richie, Larry Bennett and Dick Simpson)


Abu-Lughod, Janet, 1999. New York, Chicago, Los Angeles: America’s Global Cities. University of Minnesota Press Chapters 5, 8, 11.


Cohen and Taylor, 1999. American Pharoah. Prologue, Chapters 10 and 11.


Denton, Nancy A. and Douglas S. Massey, 1991, “Patterns of Neighborhood Transition in a Multiethnic World: U.S. Metropolitan Areas, 1970-1980,” Demography, v 28 no. 1 p. 41-63.


Hirsch, Arnold R., 1998, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago:1940-1960, Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press , Chapter 7 and Epilogue



Alperovitch G. and Deutsch J. (1996) Urban Structure with Two Co-Existing Almost Completely Segregated Populations; The Case of East and West Jerusalem, Regional Science and Urban Economics, 26 (2), 171-187.


Carlson V.L. and Theodore N. (1997) Employment Availability of Entry-Level Workers: An Examination of the Spatial Mis-Match Hypothesis in Chicago, Urban Geography, 18 (3), 228-232.


Dumper, M. (1997) The Politics of Jerusalem, Since 1967, Columbia University Press, NY.


Feagin, Joe, 2000. Racist America. Routledge.


Hasson S. (2002) The Syntax of Jerusalem: Urban Morphology, Culture and Power, pp. 278-304 in Eade J. and Mele C. (eds) Understanding the City: Contemporary and Future Perspectives, Blackwell, Oxford.


Hayner, Don, 1993, The Great Divide: Racial Attitudes in Chicago, Chicago, Il.: Chicago Sun-Times.


Housing, Diversity and Integration: Research Data on the Chicago 6-County Area, 1993,Chicago IL: Metro Chicago Information Center.


Immergluck D. (1998) Progress Confined: Increases in Black Home Buying and the Persistence of Residential Segregation, Journal of Urban Affairs, 20 (4), 443-457.


Joseph L.B. (1990) (ed) Creating Jobs: Creating Workers: Economic Development and Employment in Metropolitan Chicago, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL.


Joyce, Patrick D., 1997, “A Reversal of Fortunes: Black Empowerment, Political Machines, and City Jobs in New York City and Chicago,” Urban Affairs Review, January 1997, vol.32, p. 291-318.


Massey, Douglas, S. and Mary J. Fischer, 1998, “Where We Live, In Black and White,” Nation, Volume 267, Number 20.


Massey, Douglas, S. and Zoltan L. Hajnal, 1995, “The Changing Geographic Structure of Black-White Segregation in the United States,” Social Science Quarterly, v 76 no. 3, p. 527-542.


Massey, Douglas, S., 1990, “American Apartheid: Segregation and Making of the Underclass,” American Journal of Sociology, v 96 no. 2, p. 329-357


McCarthy J. (1999) Chicago: A Case Study of Social Exclusion and City Regeneration, Cities, 16 (5), 323-331.


Mouw T. (2000) Job Relocation and the Racial Gap in Unemployment in Detroit and Chicago, 1980-1990, American Sociological Review, 65 (5), 730-753.


Neill, W. J., 1996, “Accommodating Differences through Integration and Segregation,” Planning Practice & Research, Volume 11, Number 2.


Rast, Joel, 1999. Remaking Chicago: The Political Origins of Urban Industrial Change. Northern Illinois Press.


Romann M. and Weingrod A. (1991), Living Together Separately: Arabs and Jews in Contemporary Jerusalem, Princeton, Princeton University Press, NJ.


Rosen, Louis, 1998, The South Side: The Racial Transformation of an American Neighborhood, Chicago: I.R. Dee.


St John, Craig; Douglas S. Massey and Mitchell L. Eggers, 1995, “Interclass Segregation, Poverty and Poverty Concentration: Comment on Massey and Eggers Comment,” American Journal of Sociology 100 no. 5, p. 1325-1335


Shachar A. and Shoval N. (1999) Tourism in Jerusalem: A Place to Pray, in Judd D.R. and Fainstein S. (eds) The Tourist City, Yale University Press, New Haven.


Sharkansky I. (1993) Policy Making in Jerusalem: Local Discretion in a Context that Favours Central Control, Cities, 10 (2), 115-124.


Sharkansky I. (1995) Coping Strategies of Engagement and Avoidance: The Case of Jerusalem, Policy and Politics, 23 (2), 91-101.


Sharkansky I. and Auerbach G. (2000) Which Jerusalem? A Consideration of Concepts and Borders, Environment and Planning D, 18 (3), 395-409.


Squires, Gregory, D. et. al., 1987, Chicago: Race, Class, and the Response to Urban Decline, Philadelphia: Temple University Press.


Wilson, William J., 1991, Poverty, Joblessness, and Family Structure in the Inner City: A Comparative Perspective, S.I


Wilson W.J. (1987) The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass and Public Policy, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.





February 4. Jerusalem


Seminar Structure: Teleconference Feed with Jerusalem faculty colleague(s) for part of the class. Louise Cainkar for part of the class?



Bollens, Scott A., 1998, “Urban Planning Amidst Ethnic Conflict: Jerusalem and Johannesburg,” Urban Studies, April, v.35, no. 4 p. 729-50.


Romann M. and Weingrod A. (1991), Living Together Separately: Arabs and Jews in Contemporary Jerusalem, Princeton, Princeton University Press, NJ., Ch 1 and 2.


Shachar A. and Shoval N. (1999) “Tourism in Jerusalem: A Place to Pray,” in Judd D.R. and Fainstein S. (eds) The Tourist City, Yale University Press, New Haven.


Sharkansky I. (1995) Coping Strategies of Engagement and Avoidance: The Case of Jerusalem, Policy and Politics, 23 (2), 91-101.

Sharkansky I. and Auerbach G. (2000) Which Jerusalem? A Consideration of Concepts and Borders, Environment and Planning D, 18 (3), 395-409.




Cheshin, Amir, Bill Hutman and Avi Melamed, 1999, Separate and Unequal: The Inside Story of Israeli Rule in East Jerusalem, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.


David, Peter, 1998, “After Zionism: A Survey of Israel,” The Economist, v.347, April 25.


Dumper, Michael, 1997, The Politics of Jerusalem, Since 1967. New York: Columbia University Press.


Hasson S. (2002) The Syntax of Jerusalem: Urban Morphology, Culture and Power, pp. 278-304 in Eade J. and Mele C. (eds) Understanding the City: Contemporary and Future Perspectives, Blackwell, Oxford.


Said, Edward, 1994. The Politics of Dispossession: The Struggle for Palestinian Determination, 1969-1994. New York: Pantheon.


Sharkansky, Ira, 1997, “Israel: A Metropolitan Nation-State,” Cities, vol. 14 no. 6, p. 363-369.


Sharkansky, Ira, 1997, Policy Making in Israel: Routines for Simple Problems and Coping with the Complex, Pittsburgh, PA.: University of Pittsburgh Press.


“Tampering with Jerusalem,” 1998 Economist, June 27, v.347, p.45


Yiftachel, Oren, 1992, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: The Political Geography of Arab-Jewish Relations in the Galilee, Aldershot: Avebury.





February 11. Interactive Session


Contested Cities: Views of each others’ space, practices and policies in our contested cities.

N.B. --Class to meet in room to be specified at 10 a.m.





February 18. Belfast


            Guest Seminar Leader: Marie Smyth from Belfast


            N.B. – Required readings as yet undecided


Adair, A.S., Berry J.N., and McGreal N.S., (1996) The Interaction between Housing Markets, the Development Process and Planning Policy in the Belfast Urban Area, Regional Studies, 30 (3), 300-304.


Anderson, James and Liam O’Dowd, 2000, “Contested Borders: Globalization and Ethno-National Conflict in Ireland,” Journal of Planning Literature, Volume 14, Number 3.


Boal F.W. (1996) Integration and Division: Sharing and Segregating in Belfast, Planning Practice and Research, 11, (2).


Boal F.W. (2002) Belfast: Walls Within, Political Geography, 21 (5), 687-694.


Bollens, Scott A. 1999, Urban Peace-Building In Divided Societies: Belfast and Johannesburg, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.


Boyd, Andrew, 1997, “Belfast: Portrait of a Ghetto City,” Contemporary Review, Volume 271, pp. 205-209.


Conroy, John, . Belfast Diary. Boston: Beacon Press.


Doherty P. and Poole M.A. (1997) Ethnic Residential Segregation in Belfast, Northern Ireland, Geographical Review, 87 (4).


Gaffikin, Frank and Mike Morissey, 1990, “ Dependency, Decline and Development: The Case of West Belfast,” Policy and Politics, Vol. 18, No. 2., pp. 105-117.


Gaffikin F., Mooney S. and Morrissey M. (1991), Planning for a Change in Belfast: The Urban Economy, Urban Regeneration and the Belfast Area Plan 1988, Town Planning Review, 62 (4), 415-430.


Gaffikin Frank and Mike Morrissey, ed., 1999, City Visions: Imaging Place, Enfranchising People, Sterling, VA.: Pluto Press.


Livingstone, David N., Margaret C. Keane and Frederick W. Boal, 1998, “Space for Religion: A Belfast Case Study,” Political Geography, Volume 17, Number


Murtagh, Brendan, 1999, “Urban Segregation and Community Initiatives in Northern Ireland,” Community Development Journal, Volume 34, Number 3, pp. 219-226.


Neill W.J.V. (1993) Physical Planning and Image Enhancement: Recent Developments in Belfast, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 17(4), 595-609.


Neill, William, et al. 1995, Reimaging the Pariah City: Urban Development in Belfast and Detroit, Aldershot: Avebury, Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate.


Neill W.J.V. (2001) Marketing the Urban Experience: Reflections on the Place of Fear in the Promotional Strategies of Belfast, Detroit and Berlin, Urban Studies, 38 (5-6), 815-828.


Urban Renaissance: Belfast’s Lessons for Policy and Partnership. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2000





February 25. Berlin


            Seminar Structure: Teleconference Feed with Berlin faculty colleague(s) for part of the class



Becker, Barbara, 1996, “Divided Still: A Survey of Germany,” Economist, November 9.


Becker-Cantarino, Barbara, 1996. Berlin in focus: Cultural Transformations in Germany. Westport conn: Praeger, pp1-35.


Horrocks, D. and E. Kolinsky (eds.) Turkish Culture in German Society Today. Barghahn Books, 1996, “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Soceity” pp 71-111.


Kursat-Ahlers, Elcin, “ The Turkish Minority in German Society,” pp 113-135.




Bruegel I. (1993) Local Economic Development in the Transformation of Berlin, Regional Studies, 27 (2), 155-159.


Cochrane A.D. and Jonas A. (1999) Re-imagining Berlin: World City, National Capital or Ordinary Place? European Urban and Regional Studies, 6 (2), 145-164.


Haussermann H. and Strom E (1994) Berlin: the Once and Future Capital, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 18 (2), 335-346.


Hausermann, Hartmut, 1999, “Economic and Political Power in the New Berlin: A Response to Peter Marcuse,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Volume 23, Number 1.


Haussermann H and Simons K (2001). (1999) Developing the New Berlin: Large Projects- Great Risks, Geographische Zeitschrift, 89, 124-133.


Kemper, F.J. (1998a) Residential Segregation and Housing in Berlin: Changes Since Unification, Geojournal, 46 (1), 17-28.


Kemper, F.J. (1998b) Restructuring of Housing and Ethnic Segregation: Recent

Developments in Berlin, Urban Studies, 35 (10), 1765-1789.


Kratke S. (2000) Berlin: The Metropolis as a Production Space, European Planning Studies, 8 (1), 7-27.


Kratke S. (2001) Berlin: Towards a Global City? Urban Studies, 38 (10), 1777-1799.


Marcuse P. (1998) Reflections on Berlin: The Meaning of Construction and the

Construction of Meaning, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 22 (2), 331-338


Read, Anthony and David Fisher, 1994. Berlin Rising: Biography of a City. W.W. Norton


Strom E. (1996) The Political Context of Real Estate Development: Central City Re-building in Berlin, European Urban and Regional Studies, 3 (1), 3-17.


Strom E. (2001) Building the New Berlin, Lexington Book , Lanham MD.


White P. and Gulting D. (1998) Berlin: Social Convergence and Contrasts in the Re-united City, Geography, 83 (3), 214-226.





March 4. Contested Cities: Anomaly or Precursor of late Modern Urbanisms: Ethno-religious identity and the failures of modern universalisms.


      Seminar Leader: John Hagedorn. (Perry in Spain)



Castells. Vol II. Chapter One "Communal Heavens: Identity and Meaning in the Network Society."


Greenberg, Chapter One "The Problem: Growth and Racial Domination."




March 11. Policy and Planning: The Policy Walls and Discussion of some of the student papers.


            Seminar Leader: David Perry


Bollens, Scott A., 1998, “Urban Planning Amidst Ethnic Conflict: Jerusalem and Johannesburg,” Urban Studies, April, v.35, no. 4 p. 729-50.


Caldiera, Teresa, 2000. City of Walls: Crime, Segregation and Citizenship in Sao Paulo. Berkeley: University of California. TBA


Gaffikin, Frank and Mike Morissey, 1990, “ Dependency, Decline and Development: The Case of West Belfast,” Policy and Politics, Vol. 18, No. 2., pp. 105-117.


Marcuse and Van Kampen Of States and Cities—re-read 12-55


Marcuse, Peter, 1997. “The Enclave, the Citadel and the Ghetto: What Has Changed in the Post-Fordist City,” Urban Affairs Review. Vol 33, No 2, November, 228-264.


Wacquant, Lorc, “The new peculiar institution: On the prison as surrogate ghetto,”




Esman, Milton J. 1973, “The Management of Communal Conflict,” Public Policy 21, 1: 49-78.


Marcuse, Peter and Ronald van Kempen, ed., 2000, Globalizing Cities: A New Spatial Order? Malden, Mass.: Blackwell


Neill, W. J., 1996, “Accommodating Differences through Integration and Segregation,” Planning Practice & Research, Volume 11, Number 2.


Smith, Janet, TBA


Wilson, William J., 1991, Poverty, Joblessness, and Family Structure in the Inner City: A Comparative Perspective, S.I.


Patricia Wright and David Ranny. TBA.





March 17. Spring Break.





March 25. Interactive Session:


Hagedorn, Gaffikin and Morrissey in Belfast and the rest of us in our respective places. The “central paradox” (see the following class) could be the topic for this interactive session.


N.B. --Class to meet in room to be specified at 10 a.m.





April 1. Discussion of “Central Paradox”: Policy Walls and Ethno-Religious Identity


Seminar Structure: Class plus David Perry. Hagedorn in Belfast.


Dumper TBA.


Gaffikin et al. TBA.


Hagedorn and Perry TBA.


Kursat-Ahlers, Elcin, “ The Turkish Minority in German Society,” pp 113-135.


Smith, Janet et al. For Rent: Housing Options in the Chicago Region.




Caldiera, Teresa, 2000. City of Walls: Crime, Segregation and Citizenship in Sao Paulo. Berkeley: University of California.


Esman, Milton J. 1973, “The Management of Communal Conflict,” Public Policy 21, 1: 49-78.


Marcuse, Peter, 1997. “The Enclave, the Citadel and the Ghetto: What Has Changed in the Post-Fordist City,” Urban Affairs Review. Vol 33, No 2, November, 228-264.


Marcuse, Peter and Ronald van Kempen, ed., 2000, Globalizing Cities: A New Spatial Order? Malden, Mass.: Blackwell


Neill, W. J., 1996, “Accommodating Differences through Integration and Segregation,” Planning Practice & Research, Volume 11, Number 2.


Wacquant, Lorc, “The new peculiar institution: On the prison as surrogate ghetto,”


Wilson, William J., 1991, Poverty, Joblessness, and Family Structure in the Inner City: A Comparative


Wright Patricia and David Ranny.








April 8. Armed Young Men


                        Seminar Leader: John Hagedorn



Courtwright Chapter One "Introduction; The Historical pattern."

Glaser: Chapter 7 "1976 Stopped all our Fun" and Epilogue. "


Hagedorn, John. Gangs in Late Modernity


Lele "The Saffronization of Shiv Sena" (Bombay)

O'Malley "Northern Ireland and South Africa."





April 15. Presentation of papers





April 22. Presentations of papers





April 29. Interactive Session. N.B. – also, papers are due today.


Readings and Topic TBA – will be the product of joint conversations with all of the class instructors to determine what collective topics are emerging from the course. Possibly, a general conversation: ‘Contested Cities—Histories and Futures’ and ‘Globalization, Modernity and the Rise of the Contested City.’


N.B. --Class to meet in room to be specified at 10 a.m.





















City of Chicago official websites: and



            Chicago Tribune: 

            Chicago Sun-Times:

            Chicago Reporter:





















    African American














    Asian & Pacific Islander







    Native American







    Other race







    Two or more races







Cook County


Metro Area (Cook, DuPage, Grundy, Kane, Kendall, Lake, McHenry, and Will counties)













Under 5







































Median Age





           Total. . . . . . . . . . . . . .1,061,928
           Average Household size. . . . . .2.67
           Average Family Size. . . . . . . 3.5



Source: 2000 Census of Population, Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce.


Chicago Quotes

'I adore Chicago. It is the pulse of America.'
- Sarah Bernhardt

'It's a 106 miles to Chicago. We've got a full tank of gas, half a pack of cigarettes, it's dark and we're wearing sun glasses. Hit it!'
- Jake and Elwood Blues

'Perhaps the most typically American place in America.'
- James Bryce

'Chicago is a city of contradictions, of private visions haphazardly overlaid and linked together. If the city was unhappy with itself yesterday-and invariably it was-it will reinvent itself today.'
- Pat Colander

'I miss everything about Chicago, except January and February.'
- Gary Cole

'Chicago, Chicago, that toddlin' town.'
- Fred Fisher

'You walk out of the Amphitheatre after watching the Rolling Stones perform and suddenly the Chicago Stockyards smell clean and good by comaprison.'
- Tom Fitzpatrick

'A lot of real Chicago lives in the neighborhood taverns. It is the mixed German and Irish and Polish gift to the city, a bit of the old country grafted into a strong new plant in the new.'
- Bill Granger

'Chicago sounds rough to the maker of verse. One comfort we have -- Cincinnati sounds worse.'
- Oliver Wendell Holmes

'I have struck a city - a real city - and they call it Chicago. . . . I urgently desire never to see it again. It is inhabited by savages.'
- Rudyard Kipling

'I've reported murders, scandals, marriages, premieres and national political conventions. I've been amused, intrigued, outraged, enthralled and exasperated by Chicago. And I've come to love this American giant, viewing it as the most misunderstood, most underrated city in the world. There is none other quite like my City of Big Shoulders.'
- Irv Kupcinet

'Chicago is an October sort of city even in spring.'
- Nelson Algren

'Things are so tough in Chicago that at Easter time, for bunnies the little kids use porcupines.'
- Fred Allen

'Sharks are as tough as those football fans who take their shirts off during games in Chicago in January, only more intelligent.'
- Dave Barry

'Chicago - a pompous Milwaukee.'
- Leonard Louis Levinson

'Chicago seems a big city instead of merely a large place.'
- A. J. Liebling

'Chicago was a town where nobody could forget how the money was made. It was picked up from floors still slippery with blood.'
- Norman Mailer

'There was no need to inform us of the protocol involved. We were from Chicago and knew all about cement.'
- Groucho Marx

'I give you Chicago. It is not London and Harvard. It is not Paris and buttermilk. It is American in every chitling and sparerib. It is alive from snout to tail.'
- H. L. Mencken

'Anywhere in the world you hear a Chicago bluesman play, it's a Chicago sound born and bred.'
- Ralph Metcalfe

'Gigantic, willful, young, Chicago sitteth at the northwest gates.'
- William Vaughn Moody

'Chicago has a strange metaphysical elegance of death about it.'
- Claes Oldenburg

'Chicago will give you a chance. The sporting spirit is the spirit of Chicago.'
- Lincoln Steffens

'There are almost no beautiful cities in America, though there are many beautiful parts of cities, and some sections that are glorious without being beautiful, like downtown Chicago. Cities are too big and too rich for beauty; they have outgrown themselves too many times.'
- Noel Perrin

'Here is the difference between Dante, Milton, and me. They wrote about hell and never saw the place. I wrote about Chicago after looking the town over for years and years.'
- Carl Sandburg

'It is wonderful to be here in the great state of Chicago...'
- Dan Quayle

'Hog butcher for the world, Tool maker, stacker of wheat, Player with railroads and the nation's freight handler; Stormy, husky, brawling, City of big shoulders.'
- Carl Sandburg

'It is hopeless for the occasional visitor to try to keep up with Chicago-she outgrows his prophecies faster than he can make them. She is always a novelty; for she is never the Chicago you saw when you passed through the last time.'
- Mark Twain

'Chicago, mistress of the lakes, Controller of our inland trade, The freest city of our states, What wondrous strides thy fame has made!'
- Charles Frederick White

'Your machinery is beautiful. Your society people have apologized to me for the envious ridicule with which your newspapers have referred to me. Your newspapers are comic but never amusing. Your Water Tower is a castellated monstrosity with pepperboxes stuck all over it. I am amazed that any people could so abuse Gothic art and make a structure not like a water tower but like a tower of a medieval castle. It should be torn down. It is a shame to spend so much money on buildings with such an unsatisfactory result. Your city looks positively dreary.'
- Oscar Wilde

'My first day in Chicago, September 4, 1983. I set foot in this city, and just walking down the street, it was like roots, like the motherland. I knew I belonged here.'
- Oprah Winfrey

SOURCE: Brain Candy, 2001



Employment Rate

                            Civilian Labor Force       Employment-
                            Participation Rate           Population           Unemployment
                                   (%)                           Ratio (%)             Rate (%)
Total                                               64.0                      59.4                    7.2
  Adult Men                                      71.0      66.0    7.3
  Adult Women                                  57.5                 53.4                        6.9
  Both Sexes, 16 to 19 Years   37.9                 29.8              20.5
  White                                            68.0                      64.5                5.2
  Black                                            56.7                      50.6              10.7
  Hispanic                         66.2                     60.6     8.3

Employment by Occupation

                                                       Percent           Unemployment
        Occupation                           Distribution           Rate (%)
        Executives, Managers      13.8                           2.8
        Professionals                   16.5                           3.0
        Technicians                                      2.7                          2.4
        Sales                                             11.2                           8.1
        Administration Support       15.5                           4.8
        Service                                          14.5                           9.3
        Production, Crafts                               8.1                          4.7
        Machine Operators                             6.8                        13.3
        Transportation Operators      4.6                          5.5
        Helpers, Laborers                               5.4                        15.8


SOURCE: Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2000


Employment by Industry

 Industry                                                                                Percent Distribution 
        Construction                                                     2.6
        Manufacturing                                                 10.4        
        Transportation, Utilities & Communications         7.6
        Trade                                                                            15.6
        Finance, Insurance, Real Estate                        15.2
        Services                                                                       43.5
        Government                                                     5.1


Source: Regional Economic Model Inc., 2001




City of Chicago's Top Employers

      Rank   Name                                            Employees
      1.     U.S. Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78,000
      2.     Chicago Public Schools. . . . . . . . . . .  44,798
      3.     City of Chicago . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     41,911
      4.     Jewel-Osco. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     38,954
      5.     Cook County . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    27,081
      6.     U.S. Postal Service . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  24,800
      7.     State of Illinois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        20,465
      8.     Ameritech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       20,000
      9.     Bank One Corp.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  16,750
      10.    Archdiocese of Chicago. . . . . . . . . . . .15,245
      11.    University of Chicago . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,965
      12.    American Airlines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   12,670
      13.    University of Illinois at Chicago . . . . .  12,754
      14.    Chicago Transit Authority . . . . . . . . .  10,468
      15.    Exelon Corp.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     10,245
      16.    ABN AMRO Bank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10,054
      17.    Rush-Pres.St. Luke Medical Center. . . 8,637
      18.    AT&T Corp. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     8,000
      19.    Loyola University. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   7,200
      20.    Harris Bank. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      6,193
      21.    Northern Trust Corp. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6,160
      22.    Tribune Co.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      6,069
      23.    Anderson Consulting. . . . . . . . . . . . . .  5,986
      24.    Arthur Anderson  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   5,212

SOURCE: Crain's Chicago Business, April 16, 2001


City of Chicago's 10 Largest Industries by Employment

        Rank Industry                                                 Employees
      1.   Finance, Insurance, Real Estate . . . . .         245,253
      2.   State & Local Government. . . . . . . . .           200,866
      3.   Retail Trade. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .                      197,768
      4.   Misc. Business Services . . . . . . . . .              178,694
      5.   Professional Services . . . . . . . . . .                169,527
      6.   Manufacturing . . . . . . . . . . . . . .                    168,281
      7.   Transportation & Public Utilities . . . .             127,241
      8.   Medical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .                         115,158
      9.   Non-profit organizations. . . . . . . . . .                86,774
      10.  Wholesale Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . .                 69,375
        All Industries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .                     1,822,727

SOURCE: Regional Economics Model Inc., 2001




Form:                                                                Mayor/City Council

Council:                                                 50 aldermen

Term of office for elected officials:              4 years

Town of Chicago

            Incorporated:                                          1833

            Population:                                             350

City of Chicago

            Incorporated:                                          1837

            Population:                                             4170

2000 Population:                         2,896,016      


Timeline of Chicago’s History





Housing: Total Housing Units 2000

                 Total. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,152,868
          Occupied Housing Units . . . . . 1,061,928
            Owner Occupied . . . . . . . . . 464,865
            Renter Occupied. . . . . . . . . 597,063
          Vacant Housing Units . . . . . . .  90,940
          Occasional-Use Units . . . . . . .   4,549

Household Size, 2000  


          Owner-Occupied . . . . . . . . . . . .2.90
          Renter-Occupied. . . . . . . . . . . .2.49

Vacancy Rate,      2000


          Homeowner . . . . . . . . . . . .0.7%
          Rental. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  3.1%

SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 2000, 1990



Center for Neighborhood Technology, Chicago



CNT offers online The Neighborhood Early Warning System (NEWS) NEWS is a Chicago property inventory that is part of an affirmative neighborhood information strategy to increase community access to local government information. Information about neighborhoods and particular properties can be accessed.

MCIC -- -- Metro Chicago survey data from Metro Chicago Information Center. Fairly wide range of data on the six county metro region that can be accessed at various geographic levels.


Chicago Public Library


            This links to a timeline of Chicago’s history.







Population of Chicago from 1830 to 2000

(The 1830 figures are approximated. The figures for 1840 to 2000 are from the U.S. Census of Population. )






























































Chicago Historical Society



Chicago and Race


The best link for Chicago’s history of racial segregation is that of UIC’s John Hagedorn at


Also, for recent statistics:

Integration or Resegregation: Metropolitan Chicago at the Turn of the New Century,” by Guy Stuart, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.

Race, Place, and Opportunity: Racial Change and Segregation in the Chicago Metropolitan Area: 1990 - 2000,” by Nancy McArdle, The Civil Rights Project at Harvard University.




Belfast City Council Website:


Irish News :

The Belfast Telegraph:

Belfast Telegraph News:

Local Life Belfast:

The following information is taken from the “Political Demography in Northern Ireland” (part of the Irish Activist’s Webring) website:

“The table below shows, by religious group, the population recorded at each census since 1951:

Table 1: Religious split as recorded in census








































Ch. of Ireland
















Other Prot.








Total Protestant
















Not stated








No religion
























These figures are, however, incorrect and must be corrected for 2 separate

factors which disguise the real situation;

1. In 1981 there was a boycott of the census by a section of the nationalist

population. The census showed a decrease in the overall population in 1981,

which is unlikely to have been the true situation,

2. A large number of people do not state their religion on the census form, and

the allocation of this group to the two main blocks remains one of the principal questions for political demographers.

3. In 2001 the initial figures (released on 19 December 2002) did not

disaggregate the 'no religion' and the 'not stated', thereby making any reliable

estimate of the proportion of the not stated coming from one or other community

impossible. More detailed analysis will need to be carried out in order to arrive at

an estimate.

Correcting for the 1981 boycott

In the absence of boycotts in 1971 and 1991, the total population was given

as 1,519,640 in 1971, and 1,577,836 in 1991. A straight line estimate gives a

figure of 1,548,738 in 1981. This is 66,779 more than the recorded figure for

1981, and can be used as an estimate for the size of the nationalist under-recording of that year.

NISRA (the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency) has also estimated

the size of the 1981 undercount as 61,041.

The 'not stated'

The large number of people who do not state a religion on the census return

complicates the picture. This does not imply a lack of religious affiliation, as from1991 onwards there has been a separate category for those of no religion. The number of the 'not stated' appears to be directly related to the political climate in Northern Ireland. It was low before 1971, then rose swiftly, reaching a peak of 18.5% of the total in 1981 - a year of high political tension that saw the deaths of the H Block hunger strikers. In 1991 political tension was slightly less, but sectarian killings of Catholics by loyalists continued, and the 'not stated' proportion stood at 7.3%.

While it would be expected that this figure would drop still further in the 2001Census, the first 'peace-time' Census since 1961, the continuing attempts

by Protestant loyalists to ethnically cleanse some areas of Catholics has probably led many Catholics in these areas to try to hide behind the 'not stated' option. In particular, this may be noticable in much of County Antrim (the Larne, Newtownabbey, Carrickfergus, Antrim, Ballymena and Ballymoney District Council areas), parts of County Down (Lisburn, Craigavon, Banbridge, and Castlereagh District Council areas) and to a smaller extent in Counties Derry (Coleraine DC), Tyrone (Dungannon DC) and Armagh (Craigavon DC) - these being the main areas in which loyalist paramilitaries operate. Belfast, of course, with its patchwork of enclaves and high proportion of mixed marriages, will, as always, return a relatively high rate of 'not stated'.

Those who do not state an affiliation may do so for several different reasons,


o                                 a genuine dislike of categorisation by religion,

o                                 a fear of being identified with one side or the other.

Those who dislike categorisation by religion are no more likely to be Protestant than Catholic. They are not, however, likely to change their view between 1981 and 1991. Therefore they cannot account for many of the 274,584 'not stated' in 1981, since this figure dropped to 114,827 in 1991.

Those who refuse to state their religion presumably do so because they feel a

sense of threat. In this case, by examining the nature of that threat, it is possible

to make an assumption about the actual religious affiliation of this group.


The 1971 census took place in a highly charged atmosphere. The pogroms and

street battles of 1969 were recent, violence was widespread, the British army was deployed in the streets and was starting to show an anti-nationalist and anti-Catholic face, the Stormont regime was still in power (it would not be abolished until 1972), the RUC was heavily involved in anti-Catholic actions, and internment was only months in the future (a fact known by nationalists who had been the victims of it several times in the past). Particularly in Belfast, population movements were under way as both Catholics and Protestants were forced from their homes in areas where they were the minority, or left to seek relative safety in areas where their religion was the majority. In such a situation, where the full forces of the state and the majority community were ranged against them, it would hardly be surprising if the majority of the 'non stated' were Catholics hoping to avoid attention. The proportion of the threat felt by Catholics can be gauged from the proportion of the refugees who were Catholic. The Report on Population Movement in Belfast during August 1971 (John Darby, Community Relations Commission Research Unit) estimated that 60% of the refugee total were Catholic and 40% Protestant, while only 25% of the populaton of Belfast at the time was Catholic. This implies a fear factor 4 times greater amongst Catholics than Protestants (during the 3 week period of movement in August 1971, 2% of all Catholic households moved, as opposed to 0.5% of Protestant households). The estimate used here is therefore a conservative 75% Catholic/25% Protestant split amongst the 1971 'not stated'.


The numbers of the 'not stated' dropped by 160,000 from 1981 to 1991, and the

number of Catholics rose by 190,000. Natural increase could not account for such a dramatic rise, and there is no evidence of largescale inward migration into Northern Ireland during the period. The only conclusion can be that the majority of the 'not stated' in 1981 were Catholics. The census fell in the middle of the tense hunger strike period, a time of bitter community division. The estimate made here is that 60% were Catholic and 40% Protestant.


The 114,827 'not stated' in the 1991 census are harder to identify, but it is likely

that they include many Catholics who continued the habit started in 1971 or 1981. The war was still continuing and loyalist sectarian murders (ie random murder of Catholics by protestant paramilitaries) were becoming more common - the sense of alienation amongst Catholics was still very high.

The assumption can be made, therefore, that a higher proportion of the 'not

stated' were Catholic than of those who did state a religion. 43% of those who stated a religion professed to be Catholic, against 57% who claimed to be Protestant or other, therefore it is not unreasonable to assume that at least 60% of the 'not stated' in 1991 were also Catholic, against 40% who may have been Protestant.

The table below compares the proportion of each District Council area who did

not state a religion in 1991 with the proportion stating either a Protestant or Catholic affiliation. It can be seen that the 'not stated' proportion is generally higher in predominantly Protestant areas, and is lowest in majority Catholic areas. Given the fact that the census is a government exercise, whose detailed results remain at the disposal of the authorities in Northern Ireland, it is doubtful if Protestants in Protestant areas would feel any particular sense of threat. Even Protestants in Catholic areas would feel little threat, as it is 'their' government which keeps the details. However, Catholics living in majority Protestant areas, already under the threat of random sectarian attack by loyalists, and amidst allegations of official collusion with loyalist terror groups, would have had a very clear reason to hide their religion. A 'corrected' Catholic percentage is shown in table 2, using the estimate that 60% of the not stated in 1991 were really Catholic.

Table 2: The 'not stated' in each District Council area (1991 Census)



% Catholic

% not stated

% Catholic (corrected)





















































































Newry and Mourne








North Down




















With these three assumptions for 1971, 1981 and 1991, and assuming a relatively smooth evolution of population, the table and graph below show the probable sizes of the two main religious groups over the period in question.

Table 3: Religious split (corrected)






























Total Protestant














No religion





















[End of material quoted from site]

2001 Northern Ireland Census—key statistical tables-- (This is a 67-page document, listing key demographic variables. I will copy relevant portions at school on Tuesday).


Religion in Belfast, Census 2001, p. 14

                        Total population                                       277,391

                        Catholic                                                 42.13%

                        Pres. Church in Ireland                            16.47%

                        Church of Ireland                                     14.16%

                        Methodist Ch. In Ireland                          4.85%

                        Other Christian                                      5.07%

                        Other religions and philosophies    0.60%

                        Percentage w. no religion/not stated           16.93%


“2000 Labour Force Religion Report,” published by Northern Ireland Statistics & Research Agency (NISRA) (32 pages) is available at . This sample examines religious composition of employed and unemployed in Northern Ireland; however, it does not have figures for Belfast alone.

NISRA is the official statistics organization for Northern Ireland.

[part of chapter] Ethnic Residential Segregation in Belfast

by Paul Doherty and Michael A. Poole
Published by the University of Ulster, Coleraine 1995
ISBN 1 85923 023 7
Paperback 116pp £6.00

Out of Print



The opening chapters of this volume have traced the troubled history of Northern Ireland's major city, focusing on the relationship between residential segregation and violence, in the form of rioting, intimidation and public disorder. Several clear empirical points emerge, some of which have previously been noted elsewhere but which are nonetheless worth repeating here. Firstly, this is a system of considerable stability (Boal, 1981b). Residential segregation in Belfast is not a new phenomenon, but, as has been shown, it has been in existence since the birth of the city. This stability derives from inertia in the system: once segregated areas develop, they tend to be perpetuated by what may be termed normal residential mobility processes within the housing market.

Secondly, segregation is a spatial outcome of violence. It has been a recurring theme in the literature which we have reviewed that violence occurs on sectarian interfaces, leads to a sharpening of those interfaces, and produces sorting of the population, as isolated households move to the safety of segregated areas within their own ethnic community. "In an endemic conflict situation such as that which exists in Belfast, residential segregation becomes a critical mechanism for group survival." (Boal et al., 1976, p122.)

Thirdly, the overall trend in segregation as revealed by the various indices presented to the present day is upward. It has been suggested (Boal et al., 1976, p98) that the relationship between conflict and segregation follows a cyclical pattern: periodic outbursts of violence result in a rapid response in the segregation system. Subsequent decline in overt conflict is followed after a time lag, by a gradual diminution in residential segregation. This model implies an oscillating level of segregation, around some 'average' value, and that increases in segregation are subsequently matched by compensating downswings.

However, while it is true that conflict is followed by increased segregation, there is no real evidence in the Belfast experience to suggest that after the violent episode ends the segregation returns to its previous level. The years 1935 to 1968 were identified as a period without major confrontation, but during this period segregation levels remained high, and between 1937 and 1961 the D value declined by only 1.5 percentage points at ward level. Table 5.1 shows a D value of 44.9 for the 15 wards for census night in April 1971, before the massive population movements of that summer, but the segregation levels still had not fallen back to what they had been in 1911. This leads to the conclusion that while segregation falls when there is no conflict, it does not fall back to where it had been before the preceding outbreak of violence, and therefore the overall trend is inexorably upward. Rather than witnessing an oscillating level of segregation, we in fact see a ratchet effect in operation (Smith and Chambers, 1991, p112), by which segregation rises in a stepwise fashion, only falling back slightly after an extended period of tranquillity.

Fourthly, speaking at a symposium in 1980, Boal suggested that the period from 1969 was significantly different in two ways: open ethnic conflict had continued for longer than ever before, and previous outbursts were not contemporaneous with urban renewal and the widespread availability of public sector housing (Boal, 1981b). Fifteen years later, the length of the conflict is if anything an even more significant factor. Segregation levels have been shown to be at an all-time high following a conflict of unprecedented length and intensity. Earlier this century a period of 25 to 30 conflict-free years elapsed before a slight decline in segregation levels could be observed, and it must be expected that a similarly lengthy period must go by before there is any significant desegregation.

Focusing now on the years 1971 to 1991, this period has been the most traumatic in Belfast's history, both in terms of the direct impact of the Troubles on its citizens' lives, and in terms of the population movements that have been directly or indirectly influenced by them. The city has in addition been subject to the more normal processes of urban population change and redistribution. The overall outcome of these forces has been a city that has seen an overall decline in population, particularly marked in the inner city, but with strong population growth in Newtownabbey and Lisburn where there has been substantial housing development.

This change in population numbers has been accompanied by a change in ethnic composition, with the Belfast Local Government District becoming more Catholic, while the suburban areas have become more Protestant. However while there has been a marked increase in the proportion of Catholics in the LGD, they still predominate in only a comparatively limited area in the west of the city. Catholics are more likely to be living in areas where they are in the minority, and are also more likely to be living in mixed areas. The eastern part of the Urban Area has strengthened its Protestant numerical dominance.

These changes in ethnic composition have led to an overall increase in residential segregation within the Urban Area. Most of this increase took place in the decade 1971-81 when the Troubles were at their most intense, and when large scale forced population movements occurred. However the experience of the different parts of the BUA has varied considerably, and no clear pattern of change is evident.

The highest level of segregation, with the exception of some peripheral new-build areas outside the Stop Line, is in Belfast West. High levels are also found in the LGDs of Lisburn and Castlereagh. Both Lisburn and Newtownabbey have experienced population growth and a strong increase in segregation, but while Lisburn has become more Catholic over the twenty years, Newtownabbey has become more Protestant. Belfast East and Castlereagh which were already Protestant areas have both become even more Protestant, and have also experienced increasing segregation.

The Belfast Inner area has undergone very substantial population decline and inner city redevelopment, becoming more Catholic in the process. The lowest levels of segregation are found in the more middle class areas of Belfast South and Holywood. In Belfast South the level of segregation has remained static even though the population balance has become more Catholic. Holywood, which is not strongly connected to the rest of the BUA and which has always been quite distinctive in its experience of residential segregation, has had a slight fall in its proportion of Catholics, while its D value has dropped to an even lower level.

Looking at the P* indices which provide a measure of the social isolation of the two communities over the twenty year period, two basic features are found in the BUA as a whole. Firstly, the P* values for Protestants are high and have changed little, and secondly the values for Catholics have changed in the direction of increased isolation.

Examination of the indices for the different areas confirms these observations, and provides a little more insight. The P* indices for Protestants are high in all areas, only falling below 0.70 in Belfast West. In the East and in Newtownabbey, which have become more Protestant over the time period, the pP*p values have risen slightly, indicating an even higher probability of Protestant meeting Protestant. In Castlereagh and Holywood, the pP*p values remain constant. In both these areas the proportion of Catholics has fallen very slightly. But in all other areas - Inner, North, West, South and Lisburn - the pP*p values have fallen, and all these areas have experienced an increase in the proportion of Catholics. We can conclude therefore that if the proportion of Protestants in an area rises, Protestants become even more isolated. If the proportion stays fairly constant, they remain at the same high level of isolation. If the proportion of Catholics in an area increases, the Protestant isolation levels fall, but remain high.

However for Catholics the experience has been different. With only two exceptions, the cP*c values have risen in all areas, including those areas which have become more Catholic. In some areas the rise has been substantial, in particular Lisburn (from 0.19 to 0.60) and Belfast North (from 0.35 to 0.56). The two areas which have not seen rises in cP*c are Belfast West and Holywood. In Belfast West, the already high value remained constant. In Holywood, there was a slight drop in cP*c, confirming Holywood's standing as an area of low segregation.

At the end of the twenty year inter-censal period, we can conclude that Protestants remain highly isolated from their Catholic counterparts, while Catholics, who started the period with lower P* values, have become more isolated, more likely to meet fellow Catholics and less likely to encounter Protestants.

We can also observe that the mechanism of segregation has remained unchanged to the present day: members of the minority in a district are intimidated from their homes, or leave because they feel insecure. The Report by the Commission of Inquiry into Riots in Belfast in 1857, and the report by the Community Relations Commission into the 1971 riots have already been quoted as providing examples of that mechanism. We conclude this empirical summary with a contemporary illustration. As this volume was in preparation, inquests were held into the deaths of two Catholics who were murdered on separate occasions in 1993 at their homes in different parts of predominantly Protestant East Belfast.

"Mr Leckey [the coroner] asked RUC Inspector Alan Clegg, who investigated both killings, 'Is the aim to drive Roman Catholics out of these areas?'
Inspector Clegg replied: 'That is the bottom line from the paramilitary point of view....
Mr Leckey said: 'I cannot help but conclude that these attacks were to engender fear among other Roman Catholics living in the same area with a view to making them leave the area. There does not appear to be any other reason at all. In both cases these were mixed communities where relations were good and what happened must have been very frightening for all of those living in the area."
(Belfast Telegraph, 22nd June, 1994).


Finally, we come to the methodological issues addressed. One which received no more than passing attention, because of the desire not to dwell too long on technical matters, was the problem of geographical scale-level. The subareas used in the analysis were wards and kilometre squares, and both are so large that it frequently had to be pointed out that apparently mixed subareas at these levels might well be internally segregated. Thus micro-level segregation could be masked by the coarseness of a spatial mesh comprised of wards or kilometre squares.

This qualification certainly does not invalidate the macro-analysis of this volume, for the macro needs to be measured just as much as does the micro - no more, no less (Poole and Boal, 1973, p7). However, there is a need to supplement the work presented here with an analysis of smaller spatial subareas such as the enumeration districts for which data is now released in a Small Area Statistics package from Census Office. The companion volume to this one will, in fact, switch the focus to a more micro-level of segregation analysis to help achieve an overall balance.

The principal methodological problems which did receive more than simply passing attention in this volume were those associated with the use of religion as an indicator of ethnicity. It was explained that these are not problems which arise because substantial numbers of people do not state their religion or indicate that they have no religion. We have examined the impact of this on the measurement of segregation by experimenting with alternative ways of classifying these problematic groups. The basic objective of the experiments has been to identify whether the people involved are ethnically Protestant or Catholic.

Our conclusion has to be that it is inappropriate to apply a consistent methodology to deal with this problem in the same way in all three difficult census years. The use of such a strategy to analyse the ward-level data led to the need to make a number of significant qualifications, especially when interpreting the 1981 material. Therefore, it is better to design a customised methodology for each of the three censuses, such as that we applied to the grid square analysis. Our approach there may still have been too simple, and a more complex methodology could have been devised for each year, but the results still suggest substantial success in handling what is ultimately an intractable problem.

In searching for a solution, attention must be particularly focused on the census of 1991, for, at the time of writing, it will be several years before its results are replaced by those of 2001 as a source about the population of Belfast. Compton is of the opinion that the bulk of both the non-statement and the claims to have no religion in 1991 were Protestant, and he has estimated population numbers for the two groups on the assumption that there is no systematic bias caused by Catholics being more reluctant to state their religion in majority Protestant areas and vice versa (Compton, 1995). Our discussion in the previous chapter has tended to agree with this, with the exception of Belfast West. However, examination of the spatial pattern of non-response in Belfast suggests that this is not a straightforward matter, and that other factors such as social class may be in operation.

We do not actually know why some persons do not state their religion on the census return. It may be that they feel this is not a proper area of inquiry by the Census Office, or they may not wish to divulge their religious affiliation out of fear associated with the situation in Northern Ireland, or they may not have any meaningful place for religion in their lives. Whatever the reason, non-statement of religion has posed a problem for the last three censuses, and this is a research issue which now needs to be addressed. We must examine available census material more deeply, including the Sample of Anonymised Records and the Small Area Statistics, for indications as to who the non-respondents are. Similarly, there must be a research effort aimed at discovering who, in terms of ethnic identity, are the people who state they have no religious affiliation.

If we are to continue using religion statistics in the way in which we have done in this study, we need a clearer understanding of these issues. Moreover, ethnic monitoring has now become an integral part of public policy in Northern Ireland in response to the conflict situation (Department of Economic Development, 1989, pp 16-24), but meaningful monitoring requires reliable data to provide a benchmark for evaluation. It is highly ironic that, just as such monitoring has been embraced, the shift in the way the public answers the religion question is making the census less capable of delivering unambiguous data to establish the benchmark. Failure to solve these problems could cause serious difficulties with the analysis of future censuses and could gravely undermine the public policies dependent on such analysis.” [End of quoted material]


Northern Ireland Policing Board:

Police Service of Northern Ireland:


Queen’s University Belfast:











Many from this website:
 -- BEST




Newspapers and News Sources

            Berlin News: . This website has links to many newspapers and guides.


            Junge Welt: (in German, but you can use a translation utility to read it).


            Der Spiegel:




            Newspapers from Germany: This site allows you to click on 12 German newspapers, as well as listen to German TV and radio stations.


Government Sites

            Federal Statistical Office, Germany: (English translated).


Die Berlin-StatistikLand Berlin

Das Statistische Landesamt bietet umfangreiches und detailliertes Zahlenmaterial zur Entwicklung Berlins. Hier können Sie bequem online recherchieren.


Eurostat Data Shop Berlin: (In German).


            German Federal Government: Bundesregierung Deutschland: (link to translate on page).


            Berlin House of Representatives:


            Berlin City Government: (Click on the English Union Jack to read it in English).


            Senate Department of Urban Development in Berlin: and (English translation).


            A good short history of Berlin is at (In English).


            “Ten Years of Unity in Berlin” (a narrative and statistical analysis):


Germany and Turks


            An interesting site is “Germany and Turks” at This site provides links to many sites.


            Also see Dr. Cary Nathenson’s site on multiculturalism in Germany”:





Most from website:


List of Berlin Mosques and their neighborhoods:


List of Berlin Synagogues and their neighborhoods:



Study on Turks in Berlin:,3367,1432_A_358229,00.html,3367,1430_A_313678,00.html#



Multi-ethnic statistics of Berlin:





Government Sites

            Jerusalem municipal website: Statistics regarding population, etc. are available there at Here is a short intro from that site:

“Jerusalem is Israel’s largest city, in terms of both size and population. The city has a total land area of 123,000 dunams (30,000 acres).
According to the Central Bureau of Statistics (figures adjusted on the basis of the Population and Housing Census, 1995), Jerusalem’s population at the end of 1998 was 633,700, of which 433,600 were Jews (approximately 68 percent) and 200,100 were non-Jews (approximately 32 percent).
In contrast, the population of Tel Aviv-Jaffa by the end of 1998 was 348,100, while Haifa’s population was 265,700 (source: The Central Bureau of Statistics). In other words, Jerusalem’s population is 82 percent larger than the population of Tel Aviv-Jaffa and 138.5 percent larger than that of Haifa. Tel Aviv has an area of 51,000 dunams, and Haifa has an area of 58,000 dunams.
Over the past decade (1989-1998), Jerusalem’s population grew by 28.4 percent: the Jewish population grew by 22.5 percent, and the non-Jewish population grew by 43.3 percent. Since 1990, the city’s population has grown by 89,500, or 16 percent in eight years. This is largely due to the considerable influx of new immigrants during that time.

In the latter half of the 1980s, the average growth rate of Jerusalem’s population ranged from 2.2 percent to 2.5 percent per annum. This rose to 3.7 to 4.0 per annum in the early 1990s as a result of the wave of immigration. The rate of population growth has declined since 1995, and now stands at approximately 2 percent a year. Since 1995, the population has grown by only 31,000, or 5.1 percent. During this period, the city’s Jewish population grew by 12,700 people (3.0 percent), while the non-Jewish population grew by 18,300 people (10.0 percent).”


            Palestinian National Authority:


            Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs:


            Israel Parliament:


            Jerusalem Development Authority:




News and Newspapers

            Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre: From the site: “JMCC was established in 1988 by a group of Palestinian journalists and researchers to provide information on events in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip. JMCC's Jerusalem and Gaza offices provide a wide range of services to journalists, researchers, international agencies, individuals and organizations interested in obtaining reliable information on the Palestinian territory.”




            Jerusalem Post:




            Arutz Sheva-Israel National News:


            Ha’ aretz Israeel:


            Palestine News Agency:


            Al-Ayyam; (In Arabic.)


            Asabeel Weekly: (In Arabic).



Other Sites

            CBS News—Jerusalem The Contested City (Sept. 13, 2000): This site contains links and a good short history of Jerusalem.


            Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem: This organization promotes development in the occupied Palestinian territories.








(most from website:

General Israel Maps at:
 --- GOOD --- GOOD --- BEST --- BEST --- BEST ---- GOOD