Institutionalization of the Chinese Tongs in Chicago's Chinatown

by Andrew Sekeres III
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The Chinese settlers in America were all male. They had to leave their wives and children back in China. Gerald L. Posner, author of Warlords of Crime: Chinese Secret Societies- the New Mafia writes about the promises that the Chinese had coming in America.

The first immigrants arrived withed the promise of high pay, and they thought of making fortunes in and around San Francisco, a name that in Chinese means “Golden Mountain”. Instead, they found backbreaking work, restricted and squalid living conditions, and constant abuse directed at their different dress and customs (Posner: Warlords of Crime: Chinese Secret Societies- The New Mafia, 206).

Also besides these horrid conditions, the Triads from China were making the immigrants stay even harder. Martin Booth, author of The Dragon Syndicates: The Global Phenomenon of the Triads states:

They, the Chinese immigrants, were ripped off from the moment they landed. Triads operating the travel agencies in China were in league with confederates in San Francisco. Once the immigrants arrived, they had to register with the appropriate Triad-affiliated hui guan, which welcomed them, temporarily housed them, and if necessary found them work, but also kept an eye on them, making sure they paid their debts (Booth: The Dragon Syndicates: The Global Phenomenon of the Triads, 296).

Then a few years later, the gold mines were completely exhausted. Afterwards, the Chinese population started building the Trans-Continental Railroad. The Chinese were the ones who went into the mountains and set up the dynamite in order for the tracks to go through. The conditions were horrible. After the railroad was completed, the Chinese had no money to return home. Booth states:

With no laboring to do, they did as Chinese have always done. They adapted. Some set up chophouses and bakeries, some general stores. Chinese laundries appeared in the streets and Chinese servants in the homes of the rich. Chinese barbers cut hair whilst by 1890, over half of San Francisco’s fresh vegetables were grown by the Chinese market gardeners. The more successful they became, the more discrimination they faced (Booth: The Dragon Syndicates: The Global Phenomenon of the Triads, 297).

Then during the late 1870’s, a recession hit San Francisco. This proved to be the powder keg of Chinese immigration. Peter Kwong elaborates on this by writing:

Employers hired Chinese at low wages, pitting them against white workers, and triggered a chain of reactions. The labor movement, then in its early stages of organization, considered the Chinese strikebreakers who cooperated with the monopoly capitalists. A group of skilled craft workers tried to use this anti-Chinese sentiment to gain political power. “Chinamen must go!” became their battle cry; racial demagoguery became the issue to rally white working people, many of whom were frustrated by unemployment. The period was marked by public hysteria over the specter of the “yellow peril”. Finally, politicians from Western states, with the support of colleagues from the South, pushed the Chinese Exclusion Act through Congress in 1882. The Act barred all immigration of Chinese laborers. It was the first time and, as it turned out, the only federal law ever to exclude a group of people by nationality (Kwong: The New Chinatown, 13).

The Chinese Exclusion Act was even supported by the Supreme Court who said “that Congress had an inherent power to exclude foreigners of a different race who will not assimilate with us” (Posner: Warlords of Crime: The Chinese Secret Societies- The New Mafia, 207). It is important to note that while this Act prohibited the immigration of Chinese laborers into this country; Chinese merchants were allowed to come in.
What happened to the Chinese immigrants that were already living here? The Chinese settlers were targets of discrimination, abuse, and even victims of mob violence. They were restricted to live in certain neighborhoods that later coined as Chinatowns. Peter Kwong examines this movement of the Chinese into these Chinatowns.

The shift of Chinese into these urban ghettos was not voluntary. These were not like the immigrant ghettos of Italians, Jews, or Poles, which tended to disappear as each group integrated into American society. Rather, they were segregated areas where the Chinese were meant to stay. The segregation was maintained by the exclusion of the Chinese from the larger labor market. American capitalists had moved on to recruit cheap labor from other Asian nations, such as Japan, Korea, and the Philippines (Kwong: The New Chinatown, 13-14).

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